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Texas Revolution & Mexican War
History
sheds some interesting light on the controversial border between Mexico
and the American Southwest. It's important to understand this history
as we deal with issues like immigration, language and labor across the
entire country. The U.S. signed the Adams-Onís Treaty
in 1819, whereby Spain granted Florida (that Andrew
Jackson had already invaded anyway) to the U.S., and the U.S. promised
to never take
the area south of the Red River (Texas). It was a handy
treaty because Spain then ceded independence to Mexico in 1821, and the
U.S.
didn’t feel it had to abide by the Texas promise since Mexico wasn’t
the
country it signed the treaty with. Regardless, Mexico encouraged
American
settlement in its northeastern-most state, Tejas,
in order to further populate and develop the area, giving away
free land to
Americans. The young Mexican government was beholden to free
trade ideals and wanted to encourage trade with the U.S. It also wanted
a
buffer of settlers separating its valuable mines to the south from Apache
and Comanche invaders.
The recipients of these land grants from Mexico were called empresarios, among whom the most famous and important were Moses Austin and son, Stephen (left). Empresarios would pay the Mexican government around $30 U.S. dollars (~$700 today) after 6 years if they successfully developed the land. Stephen F. Austin appreciated Mexico’s generosity and encouraged his fellow settlers to learn Spanish and serve in the Mexican military. Most of the Americans didn’t come to acculturate as Mexicans, though, but rather to Americanize the region. It was the height of the Jacksonian Era, and the U.S. was bursting at the seams with ambitions of western migration. East Texas defined the western boundary of King Cotton. Many of the settlers were cotton planters who brought a dedication to states’ rights with them; only now, the national power in question was Mexico’s. Mexico abolished slavery in 1829, and made Catholicism their state religion, both affronts to slaveholding Protestants accustomed to religious freedom. To tame the independent-minded Gringos, Mexico quit giving away land and tried to cut off immigration from the U.S. in 1830, but it was too late.
Heightening
the tension, Mexico experienced a counter-revolution in its early
history,
with a conservative dictatorship run by General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
replacing its original republican format. Mexico's early political
history was chaotic, with 14 men serving as president between 1824 and
'44. Tejas governor José Antonio Navarro
was an enemy of Santa Anna’s because Santa Anna had sided with
Spanish Loyalists during Mexico’s long struggle for independence from
1811-1821, and plundered San Antonio de Bexar
in 1813. As relations worsened, the diplomatic Austin served
as a go-between, lobbying the central government to at least separate
Tejas as
a single independent state from its neighbor to the southwest, Coahuila.
The two were originally bound
together as a double state, Coahuila y Tejas (flag, right). Meanwhile
Austin encouraged the white Texians (or
Texicans, or Texonians) to honor their Mexican citizenship.
But
just as
the British lost a
key ally and supporter in Benjamin Franklin by castigating him after
the Tea Party, so too the Mexicans alienated their biggest American
ally, Austin,
by jailing him in Mexico City.
Tejas was one
part of a broader-based rebellion against the increasingly
authoritarian Mexican government (click to expand on the map, right).
The Texians grew unruly,
seizing fortifications and the come and take it cannon at Gonzales,
and surrounding the
missionary-turned-presidio [fort] in San Antonio known as the Alamo
in
1835. They allowed the trapped Mexican soldiers to escape, but declared
independent
statehood within Mexico. Santa Anna returned the following spring,
1836,
flying a red flag of no quarter and aiming to put the Texians
in their place. Two main roads led into Texas, one through Goliad near
the Gulf Coast, and the
other through San Antonio de Bexar defended by the Alamo. The troops
awaiting
Santa Anna in the spring of 1836 were not just empresarios,
though; they included Americans from all over who had
followed the story in newspapers that winter. The
story unfolded just as America was starting to look west beyond the
Mississippi and embrace Manifest Destiny,
and just as steam-
powered
presses increased papers' circulation. The Catholic Mexicans were
described as "tyrannical butchers in the service of the Pope." W.B. Travis
was an Alabama
slaveholder, Jim
Bowie
was on the run from the law, and
Tennessean Davy Crockett
(left) was a former
U.S. Senator looking to re-establish himself politically. Crockett was
a
frontier politician in the Jacksonian mold, but broke with Old
Hickory over the
expulsion of eastern Indians. Upon arriving in Tejas, he agreed to
serve in the militia to qualify for free land. This was as much an
American as Texian fight.
Tejanos
were also in the Alamo -- Mexican states-righters who allied themselves
with white
rebels. Early Hollywood renditions of
the
Alamo story, including D.W. Griffith's Martyrs
of the Alamo (1915) and John Wayne’s
definitive 1960 version (left), bleached scenes to not confuse
white audiences. It
wasn’t just white Americans vs. Hispanics, though, it was Mexicans vs.
rebellious Hispanic and Anglo Mexicans (free Blacks
also fought for independence, but not in the 2nd Alamo
fight). Santa Anna’s forces surrounded the fort and,
according to legend, everyone in the Alamo fought to the death after
the
long siege, highlighted by a climactic 90-minute battle. According to
the journals of two Mexican soldiers, our
only primary sources relating to the event, a few straggled out toward
the end and were killed, including Crockett, though Santa Anna spared
the women, children and slaves, and sent them off with cash and
blankets. A Mexican soldier took the
six white male prisoners to Santa Anna, who asked [in Spanish] "have I
not told
you before how to dispose of them?" Several soldiers plunged their
swords into Crockett, including some into his heart as he lunged
desperately toward Santa Anna before dying with an indignant, defiant
look on his face. One of the reasons the story
didn’t gain traction, despite its probable accuracy, is that it doesn’t
make
either side look good. It dilutes the everyone-went down-fighting
version of
the American story, and makes Santa Anna seem merciless. Generally, we
shift our history around a bit here and there until it sounds like a
story we want to hear. In any event, at least most of the people in the
Alamo fought to the death.
The Texian forces to the east, led by Sam Houston, cut their losses and abandoned those in the Alamo in order
to fight another day. In the last entry to his diary, the resentful
Travis wrote,
“our bones will reproach our fellow countrymen for their neglect.” In
his defense, Houston had ordered the San Antonio area evacuated,
because he knew it would be impossible to defend, so the men who chose
to stay behind were defying his orders. Houston just sent them to the
Alamo to retrieve the ammo and destroy the fort, but they chose to
defend it. Around
thirty
men finally made their way from Gonzales for relief, but it wasn't
enough. At least
Houston’s men could cash in on the victims' martyrdom with one of the
most famous
rallying cries in history, Remember the Alamo. The Battle
of the Alamo
was one of the most famous in
American history, partly because it symbolized fight-to-the-death
heroics, and
partly because it suggested Americans were the victims rather than the
aggressors in settling the frontier. Likewise, the other famous
battle in Western history was Little Bighorn
(Custer’s Last Stand). In that case, Indians rather than
Mexicans wiped out whites.
Things didn’t go any
better (worse in fact) at Goliad,
where Mexicans slaughtered 342 of
the fort’s defenders. The remaining settlers
hastily
packed whatever they
could and high-tailed it for the Louisiana border in the great Runaway Scrape.
One
advantage of such a scenario is that the pursuer never expects the
fleeing
army to turn back into them. That’s exactly what Houston and his men
did,
sneaking up on Santa Anna’s forces at San Jacinto,
a swampy area near present-day Houston, rudely attacking them during
their fiesta. According to legend, the general himself was predisposed
with a
practitioner of the world’s oldest profession – an indentured servant
named Emily West who
came to be known as the Yellow Rose of Texas.
Houston sent Emily into the Mexican camp, and she was freed after
accomplishing her mission. Santa Anna was still fumbling with his
trousers when the Texians came
out of nowhere, routing and brutalizing his troops in about 20 minutes. The Tejanos (like Juan Seguin, left)
wore tags on their hats
to avoid being killed by friendly fire. Houston's forces had surrounded
the Mexican army and destroyed all the bridges around them. Santa Anna
reluctantly signed off on
Texas independence from Mexico in the Treaty of Velasco.
The victors nicknamed their new country the Lone Star Republic
because they could now take down the double-starred flag
of Coahuila y Tejas and replace it
with their own single-starred red-white-and-blue national flag of Texas
(bottom, left). Santa Anna later claimed
he’d only ceded the area as far south as the Nueces River, rather than
the
Rio
Grande, an important distinction because the Rio Grande River was the
main artery
connecting the Santa Fe and Rocky Mountain fur
trade to Europe.
Under
its president, Sam Houston (right), the new Republic of Texas
(1836-45) expected annexation to the United States, but its admission
as a state quickly
bogged down in the brewing sectional crisis over slavery, and concerns
over
Texas’ debt. Texas would throw off the balance between Northern and
Southern
states, especially if it could sub-divide into five or six smaller
states, as
its constitution allowed. In the meantime, Houston fended off (and
courted) offers for
colonization from France and England, while the country filled up with
Americans. The new arrivals had no appreciation for Tejanos’
participation in the revolution, or their dignity as
humans, for that matter. They disenfranchised Hispanics and took their
land. As the saying went, “if a Mexican won’t sell you his land, his
widow will.” Some argue that, in a way, the story of Texas represents
the triumph of illegal immigration; only the immigration they're
talking about is from the U.S., not vice-versa. It
would more accurate, along those lines of thinking, to argue it was the
triumph of legal and illegal immigration, since Mexico's policy
vacillated between allowing and barring American immigration.
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Mexican War
Slavery wasn't just controversial in the potential new state of Texas.
Its
extension was so divisive that, during the 1844 presidential election,
front-runners
like Martin Van
Buren and Henry Clay were hesitant to talk about it at all. That left
an opening for dark
horse candidate James Polk
(right) of Tennessee to emerge from the pack by promising both the
North and South geographical prizes: Texas (and potentially the rest of
the
Southwest) would come in as slave
territory,
and Polk would support U.S. claims
on Oregon as potential Free Soil territory. The U.S. and Britain shared
the Oregon
Country (left, click to enlarge), which
then stretched up to the 54º40' parallel to include present-day
British Columbia, per
an 1816 agreement set to expire in 1846. Polk presumed the British
wouldn’t be interested in defending such a remote territory with no
Atlantic access. But the British called Polk out on his Bluff and
Bluster strategy of
promising 54º40' or Fight!
They correctly surmised that Polk’s real ambition was to conquer Mexico
and spread slavery, so they figured he didn’t want two wars at once. He
quickly settled on halfsies, with Oregon divided along the 49th
parallel -- the same straight line extending from Minnesota west.
The Brits also wanted the line curved downward
at the end to include all of Vancouver Island, and Polk again complied.
Suffice it say,
Northerners weren’t happy. From their view, they didn’t understand why
the Oregon
Boundary Dispute wasn’t the Oregon War, when Polk seemed
intent on gearing up for a real one with Mexico.
As
they
rightly suspected, Polk was more dedicated to the cause of
spreading slavery into
the Southwest than he was tussling with the Brits over Oregon. And he
coveted the excellent deepwater port of San Francisco in northern
California, as did the English and French. But Texas was the top
priority. After
William Henry Harrison died from pneumonia shortly into his presidency
in 1841, his VP John
Tyler (the other half of Tippecanoe & Tyler, Too)
dedicated himself to acquiring Texas for the U.S. It finally happened
toward the very end of his administration, but Mexico never
relinquished its claim on Texas, even after Santa Anna's loss at San Jacinto.
The U.S. annexed Texas as a state in 1845 and Polk moved to solidify
American
claims on the upper half of Mexico. Similar to its inconsistent trade
policies
in lower Tejas,
Mexico
had variously welcomed then banned American trade in Santa Fe. The area was a key nexus for furs, turquoise, blankets and silver
during the Rocky Mountain fur trade era of the 1820s and 30’s, and Americans defined it as being in far western Texas. By the
1840s, it was too
late to divert economic traffic along a north-south
axis
toward Mexico City. Santa Fe was Americanizing, regardless of who its
official ruler was, as was California, especially after establishment
of the Old
Spanish Trail connecting Santa Fe to Los Angeles. In 1846, California underwent a sped up version
of the Texas independence movement
called the Bear
Flag
Revolt, this one also launched by an alliance of whites and
Hispanic Mexicans.
President Polk offered
to buy
the upper half of Mexico for $30 million, the part that really
interested the U.S., but Mexico refused diplomat James Slidell’s
proposal (along with another $3.75 million to settle the Rio Grande/Nueces
dispute in Texas). Polk
either feigned outrage or was genuinely upset at the show of
disrespect. Slidell’s
Rebuff was Polk's justification for a declaration of war against
Mexico. But Mexico refusing to sell half of itself to the U.S. probably
wasn’t the firmest grounds
ever for war, even Polk realized, so he had American troops stir up an
incident
between the contested Nueces and Rio Grande rivers, which was then
tacked onto
the message. Polk ordered General Zachary Taylor to march south of the
Nueces from Corpus Christi and build Fort Texas across the Rio Grande
from Matamoros, Mexico. Mexico took the bait and ambushed Taylor's
dragoons (mounted cavalry), shedding "American blood on American soil"
as Polk wrote in his war declaration. Ulysses S. Grant, later a famous
general in the Civil War, was involved. As he put it, "We were sent to
provoke a fight, but it was essential that Mexico commence it."
Manufacturing incidents is a subtle art that one has to appreciate when
well executed, but not everyone bought this one. Young Whig congressman
Abraham Lincoln attached riders to all his
bills questioning whether the area between the rivers was really even American to start with. They became known as Lincoln’s Spot Resolutions,
and were virtually the only thing he was known for nationally prior to
running for the Illinois state senate in 1858. John Quincy Adams,
ex-president, said the coming war was for "slave owners and slave
breeders," pure and simple. Henry David Thoreau authored his famous
essay Civil Disobedience partly to
protest the war. But Congress voted overwhelmingly in favor of Polk's declaration.
The
U.S. easily took control of present-day New Mexico, Arizona and
California in the first year of the Mexican
War. Animated
Map Mexico had invaded Texas
during its nine-year stint as a nation, but
the U.S. solidified its claim on Texas in the first year as well, with
Taylor winning two battles along the border at Palo Alto
and Resaca de la Palma. The tougher
part of the war was the southern half of Mexico. The U.S. sent one
invasionary
force led by Zachary
Taylor south from Texas toward Monterrey, while a second led by Winfield Scott
landed on
the coast
at
Veracruz (left). Both moved toward Mexico City despite stiff
resistance and struggles with guerilla fighters, malaria, dysentery and "black vomit"
(the bloody disharge associated with malaria). American troops were
outnumbered in almost every battle, but their troops were well-trained,
and they had superior artillery (cannons). The Mexican military was
antiquated, inefficient and over-staffed, but fought hard to protect
its homeland. The Mexican government changed hands throughout
the war, at various
points evaporating altogether. Taylor's troops conquered Monterrey, but
agreed to an armistice and allowed the Mexican troops to escape. Then
Mexico's exiled leader, our old friend Santa
Anna, approached the U.S. with an offer. If they would agree to smuggle
him
back into the country, he would settle on terms generous to the U.S.
They complied and the Cat with Nine Lives [Santa Anna] reneged
on the deal, brazenly demanding Taylor’s immediate surrender. Taylor
(right) exhibited an admirable economy
of language in his three-word reply: Go to Hell. By now, Polk
wanted to rein
in Taylor some and allow Winfield Scott to catch up, and not just for
tactical
reasons. There was a pattern of successful generals ending up in the
White
House -- Washington, then Old Hickory Jackson, Old
Tippecanoe Harrison, and
now Old Rough-n-Ready Taylor threatened to make it four, three
with Old
nicknames. The easygoing Taylor was popular among his men, and he
didn't hide his ambition to become president. As it turns out, Polk
didn’t run for a second term, and Zach Taylor sure enough won the 1848
election. That suited Polk well enough, since he eventually decided he
prefered Taylor to the other prominent general, Winfield Scott, and it
seemed that whoever emerged as the war's biggest hero would be the next
president.
After bombing the coastal city of Vera Cruz from the sea, Winfield
Scott (Old Fuss-n-Feathers)
made an amphibious landing and moved west, while Taylor defeated Santa
Anna's forces in the north at the battle of Buena Vista.
Scott won the race to the capital through mountains and jungles aided
by a brilliant engineer and lieutenant, Robert E. Lee. After the climactic Battle of
Chapultepec outside Mexico City, one of Santa Anna's officers
purportedly muttered that "God was Yankee." By
the time U.S. forces got into the city (left), the government had
crumbled and it was
unclear whom to negotiate with. In
fact, it wasn’t clear who should do the
negotiating for the U.S. either, because Polk had already fired Nicholas Trist
(right), the
diplomat on task traveling with the army. It seems that Trist’s final act of insubordination
was to delay his own firing with a 65-page counter-proposal. As a
non-employee
of the U.S. government, he wrote up the treaty to end the Mexican War,
the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo,
signed by people who didn’t really run Mexico. Under
these circumstances, Congress didn’t have
to
sign a treaty allowing
Mexico to retain the bottom 45% of their country but, then again,
Congress doesn’t
have to sign any treaty. This feature of the Constitution makes it
difficult
and confusing for other countries to end wars with the America.
The U.S. had fought
hard for
two years to conquer the bottom half, but now didn’t seem to want it.
Americans debated on Capital Hill and in the newspapers, and determined
that Mexico had too many non-WASPs (white Anglo-Saxon Protestants) for
their liking, though they didn't use that acronym. The "All of Mexico"
movement also would've encountered fierce resistance from the Mexican
population, who was already fighting a guerilla war against American
troops. The U.S. took he upper 55% and paid Mexico $15 million – half
what Slidell offered Mexico earlier for the same thing. Many
Americans were baffled as to why the U.S. would pay anything for
territory
they just conquered, but the settlement at least put a better spin on
what was basically a war of naked conquest. But adding insult to
injury, Americans found gold in northern California just as the war was
ending,
worth far more than the Guadalupe settlement. U.S. Grant,
who was not only a future Civil War general but also a two-term
president of the U.S., wrote in his Memoirs that he regarded
the Mexican war as "one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger
against a weaker nation."
Like the War of 1812, the U.S.-Mexican War of 1846-48 was sectionally
divisive, with Northerners (especially Whigs) skeptical of the war’s
aims. However,
unlike the War of 1812, the Mexican conflict failed to unify
Americans upon its conclusion. Ironically,
it caused more unity in Mexico, where despite the loss the war forged a sense of Mexican nationalism. But even in the
first
year of the three-year war, U.S. politicians argued over how to
divide the Mexican
Cession
(below). The Democrats had always been unified North and South on
supporting
slavery, but now cracks began to show. Northern Democrat David Wilmot
(PA)
introduced legislation in the House to ban slavery in the Mexican
Cession, signaling that party’s ultimate fracturing along regional
lines, even though his bill failed in the Senate. From the Mexican War
on, Americans argued for the next fifteen years over
whether or not to extend slavery into new western territories,
precipitating
the Civil War. Names later made famous by that war – U.S. Grant,
George McClellan, Robert E. Lee (right) and others – met at West Point
and got
their ears wet in Mexico, but ended up on opposite sides in the Civil
War. As South Carolina Senator John C. Calhoun presciently
put it at the
time, "Mexico is our forbidden fruit."
